Concept of Property in Political Science
April 3, 2025
The Concept of Property throughout the Ages Most of us have a fair idea what property means and what the concept of owning property means. However, the concept of property is a rather new phenomenon in the history of humanity if one considers the evolution of humankind from time immemorial to the present times. To…
What is Compassionate Capitalism and What Does it Entail for us? In recent years, there has been much talk about Capitalism evolving into a model of economy wherein corporations ensure that communitarian and people oriented business models are embraced so that profit is not the only criterion or reason why they are in business. In…
Critics have been claiming the recent economic crises are the proof the capitalist system is inherently flawed. The underlying assumption being made is that the world is following the tenets of the capitalist system and hence the failure of the system is the failure of capitalism. In this article, we will question this premise. It…
An often-overlooked aspect of the modern political economy is the capacity for change and renewal that is inherent in the way modern democracies work. Despite reversals of democracy where world over we are witnessing the retreat of democracy, there have been notable exceptions to the norm wherein some social and political movements have succeeded in effecting change from below.
The term “change from below” is important, as many political scientists believe that true political revolutions are those that change the system from within and below. For instance, the recent Arab Spring of 2011 resulted in the toppling of several dictatorships in the Middle East and Northern Africa as social and political movements rapidly gained strength leading to the powers that be conceding the demand for change posed by these social movements. Of course, this is not always the case where social movements succeed as we have seen with the Occupy Movement in the United States that petered out without securing its objectives.
The point here is that for social movements to succeed in effecting political revolutions there has to be support from the institutions like the Army, Judiciary, and Bureaucracy. Unless these key stakeholders concede the demand for change, it is impossible to succeed as then the ruling dispensation can either use force to quell the revolution or use official channels to deny what is being demanded. For instance, the call for Total Revolution given by the late mass leader, Jayaprakash Narayan in India in the 1970s failed because there was no support from the institutions.
Similarly, the recent protests against corruption have lost steam because though there was popular support, there was no institutional support. Of course, the protests against violence against women succeeded to some extent in forcing the authorities to implement new laws since there was broad based support from the political and bureaucratic establishment. Hence, the implications for political revolutionaries are that they must lobby the institutional powers to get them on board for their change agenda and along with them; they must use the media effectively.
No discussion on political revolutions is complete without the example of the Indian Independence movement that was led from below and succeeded in actualizing its objective of gaining independence from the British. This movement is a stellar example of what happens when people power is hard to ignore and when large sections of the bureaucracy and the police forces support the aims of the political revolutionaries. On the other hand, many political revolutionaries argue that revolution can happen only through armed means.
However, history is replete with examples of failed revolutions that relied only on armed insurgency and nothing else. Hence, the conclusion here is that political revolutions are best actualized when mass movements are led by charismatic figures, have the support of the majority of the people, and include institutional actors in their agenda.
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